فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال دهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 35، بهار 1400)

The rise to power of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the Republic of Turkey since the early millennium, raises a variety of questions about the fate of Kemalism, the ideology promoted by the first leaders of this country and named after its founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk; since it was based on a kind of secularism, and the modernization of Turkey in a Western way was on its agenda. The continued presence of the mentioned party at the top of the pyramid of power for many years has made it more necessary to address this issue. This study seeks to answer what the position of Kemalism in the field of contemporary Turkish foreign policy is. In this way, by searching for various data on the most important areas of this country's foreign policy, it evaluates the hypothesis that although Kemalism is still a strong ideology in Turkish foreign policy, it has undergone some moderations and in some ways it has declined. The period of the study begins with the establishment of the Welfare Party, the most important predecessor of the Justice and Development Party in 1987. This research has been done using descriptive-analytical method and the required data has been collected from documents and librarial sources. The findings of this study show that the six constituent principles of Kemalism have not had same extent of stability in the contemporary Turkish foreign policy and have been of different importance to the politicians of this country.

The Iranian policy behavior toward the Korean Peninsula has generally remained as an anomaly to its overall pattern of foreign policymaking with regard to many other parts of the world. Both under the Pahlavi monarchy and the Islamic Republic, Iran has often kept a rather low-profile yet active approach vis-à-vis the Koreans on both sides of the peninsula, aiming to accomplish a great deal of its objectives in all political, military, economic, financial, technological, and cultural areas. Applying a pragmatist framework of analysis, this study argues that within the past several decades the Iranian orientation has been somehow persistent and effective, making it possible for Tehran to quietly pursue its various goals in the peninsula at a relatively low cost. More importantly, Iran’s approach toward the Korean Peninsula under the Islamic Republic and the lessons Tehran gleaned from its multifaceted interactions with South Korea and North Korea over a course of more than four decades could be used as an illuminating template for foreign policymaking toward some other important regions where Iran has enormous interests.

Despite the expansion in the field of power studies as one of the key concepts of social sciences and especially in international relations, the scope of ambiguity in this field is very extensive. Perhaps it is for this reason that the terms "controversial" and "contentious" are considered by most analysts as the most basic features of power. The mentioned condition can be considered from different dimensions; In particular, from the various perceptions that have been formed about the nature, function and constituent elements of this category, as well as how the link between its two central components, namely "resources" and "control of effects and results", has been formed. In any case, assuming that any conception of power has a direct impact on the process of "conceptualizing the world politics"; the focus of this study is on how the "relational conception" as a multidimensional and productive approach affects the international studies of power. The main question is: Based on the evolution of the international literature on power, how effective has been the relational conception of power? The main hypothesis is: In the context of the international power literature, the “relational” conception (power to) has provided the setting for the creation and reinforcement of a multidimensional view of power in the form of “four-dimensional typology”, “Global orders and Civilizations” and “Global Governance”. The research method of this study is explanatory.

One of the most important security issues is energy security. Although the focus on clean and renewable energy is increasing today, fossil energy production and consumption still play a key role in securing the world's energy. Therefore, both these resources and the countries and regions that own this energy are important. One of these important areas is the Persian Gulf region, which has eight countries, all of which are oil and natural gas producers. The Persian Gulf holds 60 percent of the world's oil and 50 percent of its gas resources and plays an important role in securing world energy. Fossil energy, on the other hand, is one of the most damaging to the environment and, in the same way; the production of this energy in the Persian Gulf can also threaten the environmental security of the area. Since a significant part of the world's energy security and the rentier economies of the region depend on oil and gas, the main question of this paper is what is the relationship between fossil energy security and the Persian Gulf's environmental security? Descriptive method was used to study the answer to this question. The overall findings of the article show that the production and extraction of the region's fossil energy resources are neglected for a variety of reasons, such as unaccountable rentier states, chemicals entering the Persian Gulf, improper energy transportation, warfare and competition with oil and gas revenues. ROPME's environmental treaty and ... threatens the Persian Gulf's environmental security.

The use of proxy groups and intermediary wars is rooted in the superpower competition during the Cold War. Since the collapse of the bipolar system, the main actors in West Asia have increasingly used these groups as a key factor in redefining the Middle East's regional order rather than direct military intervention to achieve national goals. The main question raised in this study is "what is the reason for the I. R. Iran's attention to proxy groups in the Middle East after the collapse of the bipolar international system and what role do these groups play in Iran's national security strategy?" In response should be stated that the place of proxy groups in Iranian foreign policy strategy has been to institutionalize some sort of balance against US threats in the peripheral areas. In other words, Iran's support for these aligned groups in the region is not aimed at exporting revolution, supporting liberation movements, and forming a Shiite crescent; rather, according to a strategic logic, it is a kind of asymmetric battle to defend the Islamic Republic's existence against American plots in West Asia. Although, Iran has attempted to use this capacity to shape a regional order based on its revolutionary-Islamic ideas for some time. Theoretical framework of research is "Neoclassical realism and the balance of threat theory", the research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection tool is library and documentary.

Since 1979, the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have adopted a hostile policy against each other, although, in different decades, this issue has been severe or weak. For this reason, the authors of this article have assessed the extent to which the two countries have been threatening each other based on Stephen Walt's theory of threat balance. In fact, this article seeks an answer to the question of how much threats these two countries have posed to each other during the period 2016-2021 based on Stephen Walt's theory of threat balance. To find the answer to this question, quantitative and qualitative indicators of threat balance theory variables including total strength, geographical proximity, invasive power and aggressive intentions have been measured. Finally, the findings of this paper show that, given the assumptions of the threat balance theory, the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an immediate and imminent threat to the United States during the above-mentioned period, but the United States of America can be a relative yet serious threat to the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The authors have tried to answer the above question using case study method.

This article has been done with the aim of pathology and evaluation of anti-trafficking laws and policies in Iran in a descriptive-analytical method. Since the effective fight against smuggling of goods requires recognizing the causes and contexts of the phenomenon of smuggling of goods as well as the relevant laws and policies and the functioning of the agencies responsible for combating smuggling of goods, the study area of ​​the present study includes Approved laws and policies have been related to books, articles and research. First, approved laws and policies are considered and print and digital (online) sources that are relevant to the discussion are used. The framework of the present study is an institutionalist economics approach through which the role of social, political and economic institutions in determining economic events is examined. The most important question of this research is why, despite repeated revisions in the laws related to smuggling, anti-trafficking policies have not been able to effectively deal with the phenomenon of smuggling? The main argument in response to this question is that insufficient attention to the root cause of smuggling of goods by the legislature to eliminate the phenomenon of smuggling, high import tariffs, lack of transparency in the law, many ambiguities and legislative challenges, are the most important reasons for failure. It is to deal with the phenomenon of smuggling of goods.

Sanctions have become one of the important foreign policy tools of states against each other in recent years. While sanctions have not always achived the desired results. North Korea is among the countries that has experienced the longest bilateral and multilateral sanctions. The present study seeks to answer the question of how sanctions have affected the human rights situation in North Korea. In response to this question, the research hypothesis points out that international sanctions have violated the fundamental rights of North Korean citizens. The theoretical framework of research is based on Pekson and Cooper theory. Also, we used descriptive-analytical and documentary method. The results showed that with the start of North Korea's 2006 nuclear tests and the most severe sanctions ever imposed against it, the sanctions have had a direct and indirect impact on the human rights situation in North Korea. In the political arena, sanctions, rather than changing North Korea's behavior, have led to the authoritarian government, repression, violence and reduced freedoms. In the area of health, sanctions have led to a decline in public health levels, increased infant mortality, Spread of diseases, malnutrition, and difficult access to drugs and treatment. In the area of economy, sanctions have directly reduced the value of the national currency, people's income and food supply. It also caused inflation and corruption, which has contributed to greater poverty in north Korea.

Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two of the powerful countries in the Persian Gulf region have experienced various behavioral patterns in their interrelationship. After the Islamic Revolution, Tehran and Riyadh, which used to be bonded together due to some common identity and international system necessities, started facing each other. On the one hand, this resulted in disorder and imbalance of power in the region. On the other hand, the new identity of Iran was regarded as a challenge to Saudi Arabia’s religious legitimacy. In the current article it has been tried to identify the factors which led to tension and opposition between the two actors which were once collaborative and friendly; it has also been asked “what were the determining factors of the competitive action between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the first decade after the Revolution, and what were the consequences?” An answer to the question has been offered; “identity, geopolitical, and structural factors shaped the relationship between the two countries over the first decade after the Islamic Revolution and the confluence of the identity and geopolitical competition along with the structural pressure formed the competitive-oppositive patterns in their interrelationship.” This article is of descriptive-analytical approach and two material and social theories have been used as the theoretical basis of the article.